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LEFT TURN/RIGHT TURN
Mountain Views News Saturday, June 11, 2011
HOWARD Hays As I See It
GREG Welborn
I was probably the only
kid in my first-grade class
who knew the names Jerry
Voorhis and Helen Gahagan
Douglas. All the more
remarkable, as they were
both Californians, and I
grew up in Washington State.
All I knew of Jack Kennedy
was that he had a funny
accent, people worried he’d
take orders from the Pope,
and friends said his dad paid
people to vote for him. It was
also clear in my neighborhood that Richard Nixon
would rightfully become our next president.
My dad told me how Nixon won his first
Congressional seat by smearing incumbent
Jerry Voorhis as being connected to Communist
groups, took it back after the election, then did the
same thing in his red-baiting campaign against
Rep. Helen Gahagan Douglas (D-CA) for the U.S.
Senate (“pink down to her underwear”). Alone
among the grown-ups I knew, Dad counted on a
Kennedy victory, because “Nixon’s a crook; always
has been and always will be.”
Years later when President Nixon declared on
television, “I am not a crook”, I felt as if he was
responding directly to my dad, who turned out to
be right all along.
I’m not sure when my dad first talked politics
with his own father (whom I never met). Nearly
a century ago, my grandfather travelled between
the towns of Port Angeles, Forks and Clallam
Bay on the Olympic Peninsula, servicing and
selling “power plants” - gas-powered generators
providing electricity to un-connected households.
Thus could a light bulb be hung outside the back
door, illuminating the path to the outhouse should
nature call in the middle of the night.
Those household visits were not solely
commercial; they were opportunities to sit with
families and talk politics. The Masonic Lodge and
Oddfellows Hall were not just for meetings; they
were venues to debate President Hoover’s faith in
Wall Street vs. the promise of a Democratic New
Deal.
When I was in fifth-grade, I told Dad of
classmates sporting badges proclaiming, “If I
were 21 I’d vote for Barry”, while I was the only
one with an “LBJ for the USA” button. Dad said it
reminded him of when he was my age, and went
to his own father with his concern so many kids
came to school wearing “Landon sunflowers”. He
told how his dad assured him Alf Landon hadn’t a
chance against President Roosevelt, as he was now
assuring me Sen. Goldwater would be swept away
by President Johnson.
Four years later, Dad took a friend and I to the
Seattle Center to hear Vice President Hubert me
Humphrey. (I shook his hand.) FDR had a “New
Deal”, and HHH campaigned for a “New Day”
with the same themes; an emphasis on working-
class American families, and help for those who,
for whatever reason, had been left behind.
(I remember his campaign pamphlet on Foreign
Affairs. While attention was then on Vietnam,
Communist China and Soviets in Eastern Europe,
Humphrey suggested we instead focus on the
Middle East, where, in his view, the gravest threats
to world peace might originate. That view never
gained much traction.)
My dad at first held an LBJ-view of the Vietnam
War; it was a mess, but we couldn’t just leave. The
government there was imperfect, but we had to
stay until their own forces were capable of doing
the job. (Sound familiar?) I skipped high school
classes to attend anti-war moratorium marches.
The debate at the kitchen table was over
staying to ensure the survival of a U.S. ally, or
not sacrificing any more young Americans for
a corrupt government unsupported by its own
people, What I remember most was that years
later Dad told me I’d been right and he was wrong.
That’s a hard thing for anybody to admit about
anything - especially from father to son.
Dad said he’d always thought of himself as
having been raised “middle-class”, until he was
sent to Chicago after enlisting in the Navy to
join guys from all walks of life, from all over the
country. There he realized his family’s income,
relatively, had been more at the lower end of the
spectrum.
Later he became successful in business,
enjoying fine restaurants and travel with my mom.
There was never self-consciousness about “class”,
though, or a feeling that doing well for oneself
permitted less concern for others.
Dad relished needling the bankers and brokers
he dealt with by displaying the Paul Conrad
cartoons from the Times I sent up after moving to
Los Angeles. They couldn’t understand how one
in Dad’s position could be so critical of President
Reagan, so he’d explain; “A defense contractor
swindles millions of dollars from the government,
and it’s no big deal. But a kid gets a subsidized
carton of milk at school that he’s not entitled to,
it’s a major crisis.”
I thought of Dad taking me to see Bill Dana
introduce Hubert Humphrey when I took my
own son, then age five, to join a raucous crowd in
South-L.A. as Whoopi Goldberg introduced Bill
Clinton. (As soon as he came on stage, we knew
that he knew he was going to be president.)
My son, my dad and I each followed different
career paths, but I wonder if there’s something
genetic in political affiliations. Years ago after
picking my son up from pre-school, we’d become
accustomed to those at the bottom of off-
ramps holding “Homeless - Please Help” signs.
Sometimes, though, the sign would be held by
a young woman, and sometimes that woman
would have children with her. Then, my son
would turn to me with frantic questions: “Do
they go to school? What are they going to eat?
Where are they going to sleep tonight?” My
son had friends at school, and a warm dinner
and comfortable bed to come home to. But he
remained concerned for those who didn’t. Just
like his grandpa.
Happy Father’s Day - and Happy 88th Birthday,
Dad.
The Truth About The Budget
One of my favorite quotes is from Winston
Churchill when he was asked to comment on the
truthfulness of a fellow member of parliament’s
comment. Sir Winston knew the fellow had
lied, but he also knew that to call him out
directly, given British traditions in parliament
at the time, was unacceptable. So, when asked
about this particular politician’s statement,
Churchill explained that “the gentleman had
committed a verbal inexactitude”. Fortunately, or
unfortunately, I am not Winston Churchill, and we
do not live under the same traditional constraints.
So when I’m asked to comment on what most
politicians in D.C. are doing about our financial
crisis, I call it like I see it. They’re lying to us, and
I for one am damn tired of it.
Consider first the whole context in which
the deficit problem is being discussed. Most
politicians would have us believe that it is a tax
issue. The economy is in a tailspin, they say,
revenues are down, and we have to raise taxes to
make up the difference. It has a believable story
line if only because the economy is in a drought.
But to blame the deficit on the economy is to mix
up cause and effect. As the always-prescient
economist, Walter Williams, recently pointed out,
if you go back to 1960 you would find that even
considering the effects of inflation tax revenues are
23 times greater today, but government spending
is 42 times greater. And that includes the effect of
the current recession! The deficit is not a revenue
issue. It is a spending issue, and any politician
who says differently shouldn’t be trusted to sell
used cars, let alone represent voters.
But political lies also come in more subtle
flavors than bold-in-your-face vanilla. There are
multiple shades and gradations we need to worry
about. Consider the very language with which
Congress classifies the spending it authorizes.
Politicians speak in terms of “discretionary” and
“nondiscretionary”, knowing the normal human
reaction to that is to assume that nondiscretionary
can’t be changed. The lie here is that all
congressionally authorized and presidentially
approved spending is discretionary. All of it can
be decreased at will. It just takes willpower.
The term nondiscretionary spending is applied
to any program passed by Congress in which
spending is calculated by some formula written
into the law. For example, if Congress passes a
law stipulating that zoos should receive payments
equal to 1% of the federal budget each year for
the next 10 years, then after the first year, that
spending is said to be nondiscretionary. After all,
it’s on autopilot and no further action is needed.
In fact, unless Congress acts to specifically stop
this spending, it must occur over the full 10 years
whether there is enough tax revenue or not.
Politicians do this purposefully so that they
won’t have to vote each year on potentially
unpopular or wasteful programs. It is ever so
much easier to simply throw up your hands and
say that some boondoggle is “nondiscretionary”
than it is to vote each year
to continue the waste.
The other reprehensible
verbal inexactitude
popular in D.C. is to label
a spending program as
an “entitlement”. The
word entitlement strongly
implies a legal right to
receive something which
is rightfully due you.
Thus, when politicians refer to Social Security
or Medicare as “entitlements”, they manipulate
us into believing that somehow the recipients are
rightfully and morally due these benefits, and that
to decrease them in any way would be immoral.
Consider for a moment where Congress gets the
money for these entitlements. In every one of
these programs, if one American is given the right
to receive a dollar in benefit, there is some other
American somewhere who is obligated to pay that
dollar out of his or her own pocket. This simple
truth escapes notice because most of us hear the
word entitlement and are distracted by the implied
moral mandate.
Most recipients think of Social Security and
Medicare as benefits they’ve “earned”. In this, we
really can’t blame them. They’ve been fed that lie
for most of their working lives. The truth, sadly,
is that they never were banking the payments they
made into the system for their own account. Their
payments in went right back out to some other
previous recipient’s pocket. Social Security and
Medicare have always been “transfer” programs
designed to take money from Paul in order to pay
Peter. Now Paul has retired and wants his share.
The problem is that the system was never sound
– it’s always been a ponzi scheme – and now it’s
falling apart. There just isn’t enough money in the
system (or anywhere in America for that matter)
to meet the promises made by politicians.
The good news is that America is waking up to
the reality of our country’s financial system and
that there are practical ways to fix the problems
that generations of political lies have created.
There’s an old saying, “fool me once, shame on
you. Fool me twice, shame on me.” Living in
the most advanced and interactive democracy in
history, we, the voters, have amply opportunity to
demand an end to the lies. We can’t be afraid to
call a verbal inexactitude a lie, and the sooner we
start doing it, the better off we’ll all be.
About the author: Gregory J. Welborn is a
freelance writer and has spoken to several civic
and religious organizations on cultural and
moral issues. He lives in the Los Angeles area
with his wife and 3 children and is active in the
community. He can be reached at gregwelborn@
earthlink.net.
The Bush Era Tax Cuts Ten Years Later:
Something To Think About
Data From The Non Partisan Center On Budget and Policy Priorities
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