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LEFT TURN/RIGHT TURN
Mountain Views News Saturday, September 24, 2011
HOWARD Hays As I See It
GREG Welborn
SOCIAL SECURITY PREVARICATIONS
“Clearly, this is a job-killer .
. . The impact on job creation
is going to be devastating.”
- Rep. Dick Armey (R-TX)
“The tax increase will . .
. lead to a recession . . . and
will actually increase the
deficit.”
- Rep. Newt Gingrich (R-
GA)
“I feel bad for . . . the
working people in this country . . . who are going
to get the penalties from people who don’t want
to invest more, take any more risks.”
- Rep. John Kasich (R-OH)
“Never in the history of the world has any
measure been brought here so insidiously
designed as to prevent business recovery, to
enslave workers and to prevent any possibility of
the employers providing any work for the people
. . .”
- Rep. John Taber (R-NY)
“ . . . one of these days you and I are going
to spend our sunset years telling our children
and our children’s children what it was like in
America when men were free.”
- Ronald Reagan
The top three quotes aren’t reactions to
President Obama’s proposal to raise taxes on
the richest Americans. Those noticing the
attributions might wonder about the “Rep.”
designations, since neither Armey, Gingrich
nor Kasich are in congress. (Kasich is Governor
of Ohio, Gingrich is a candidate for president,
and Armey runs an outfit funneling corporate
money to the Tea Party.)
They were congressmen, though, in 1993 when
they offered those views of President Clinton’s
proposal to raise taxes on the wealthiest to
clean up the mess left by Reaganomics. (Those
last two quotes are there for good measure;
Rep. Taber offered his remarks in 1935 in
reaction to President Roosevelt’s proposal for
Social Security; Reagan in 1965 told us what to
expect should congress pass Medicare.)
Then, as now, Republicans were in lockstep
opposition to a Democratic president’s plan to
restore prosperity. Then, as now, Republicans
unanimously predicted economic devastation
should the rich be asked to share in the sacrifice.
Then, as now, Republicans were shown to be
consistently, predictably, and utterly wrong.
President Clinton’s budget passed with
no Republican support; it got through the
House on a 218-216 vote, and in the Senate a
50-50 tie was broken by Vice President Gore.
The plan Republicans told us would tank
the economy instead provided the longest
economic expansion of post-war America.
Unemployment dropped from 7% to less than
4% by 1998, a year which brought our first
budget surplus after three decades of deficits
(and a $400 billion hole left by President
Reagan). The plan Republicans called “job-
killing” helped add 20 million new jobs.
Those same voices who were wrong in 1993,
and whose support for President Bush’s policies
brought the worst economic meltdown since
the Great Depression, now presume credibility
as they pass judgment on President Obama’s
plan to cut the deficit and speed the recovery.
With so many Americans still out of work,
though, and with responsibility for adding tens
of thousands of public workers to the ranks of
the unemployed, Republicans aren’t using the
“job-killing” line as much as they did in 1993.
Now, the pitch phrase they recite in unison and
repeat endlessly is “class warfare”.
I see a battle between those who have a clue,
and those who don’t. An example of the latter
is Rep. John Fleming (R-LA), who asked to be
spared further taxes on MSNBC. His chain of
Subway and UPS stores bring in $6.3 million a
year, of which he gets about $600,000, “and so
by the time I feed my family, I have, you know,
maybe $400,000 left over . . .” Interviewer Chris
Jansing observed, “to the average person out
there making $40-50-60 thousand a year, when
they hear that you have only $400,000 left over,
it’s not exactly a sympathetic position.” Rep.
Fleming then brought up “class warfare”.
(The minimum wage in Louisiana is $7.25
an hour, about $15,000 a year. For a teenager
preparing a Subway, there’s a “training wage” of
$4.25 an hour.)
As for economic classes, it’s getting simple.
A 2005 report prepared for Citigroup saw
only two classes; “the rich and the rest”,
and suggests understanding the future is
understanding there’s “no such animal as the
U.S. consumer”. Where the top 1% earn as
much as the bottom 60%, and have as much
wealth as the bottom 90%, “economic growth
is powered by and largely consumed by the
wealthy few”. The “rest” don’t matter.
Aside from purchasing Congress, one of
the ways that top 1% ensures favored policies
is to maintain the myth of upward mobility;
that through hard work the rest of us might
someday benefit from those same policies
ourselves. According to a Brookings Institute
study, over 60% of Americans believe in it,
though in America we’re near the bottom
of developed countries in achieving it. In
Germany, you’re 1.5 times as likely to move up
through your own efforts than in America, 2.5
times in Canada, and 3 times more likely in
Denmark.
While promoting the myth, there are
simultaneous efforts to make sure we stay
in our place. One is the demonization and
destruction of unions, lessening opportunities
for working men and women to improve
their situations through collective bargaining.
Another is to ensure we remain the only
developed nation where healthcare means
corporate profit, not public responsibility, and
where there’s no direct federal involvement in
higher education.
There’s a reason education is a favorite target:
If there were an understanding of history,
more would recognize discrediting similarities
between policy arguments today and those of
the past. Students of economics might learn
that since 1950, the years with the highest
GDP growth were the years with the highest
marginal tax rates. They’d better understand as
President Obama explains, “The money has to
come from someplace”, if we choose not to “put
the entire burden on the middle class and the
poor . . . This is not class warfare - it’s math.”
A lot of hash was made over
Social Security at last night’s
Republican debate with
the two leading candidates
trading jabs about their
respective past statements on
the issue. Perhaps it would
do us all some good to take
a serious look at what Social
Security is and what it was.
Social Security today is a
ponzi scheme. If you think
I’m being unduly biased and
partisan, reflect on the words
of notables from both sides
of the political spectrum.
Dr. Milton Friedman (on the
right) said it was “the biggest
ponzi scheme on earth”. Dr.
Paul Samuelson (on the left)
said it was “greatest ponzi
scheme on earth”. Dr. Paul
Krugman (further on the
left) said that “the ponzi
game will soon be over”.
Three Nobel Prize winners in
economics have all testified
that Social Security is a ponzi
scheme. In terms of hard
evidence, murderers have
been convicted on less.
What exactly is a ponzi
scheme? It is defined as an
operation that pays returns to
its investors from the money
paid by subsequent investors,
rather than from any actual
profit.. That is exactly what
Social Security does. The
system does not take your
money, invest it or save it
for your future use. It does
not try to grow your money.
The money does not go into a
separate lockbox. The system
takes your money and then
immediately pays it out to a
current retiree recipient.
The retiree’s ability to collect
his or her social security is
dependent on you making
your payments into the
system. On a larger scale,
the ability of all current
recipients to collect their
social security payments is
dependent on there being
enough workers paying into
the system. Since we can
predict demographics fairly
well and have a pretty good
idea of what the long-term
historical inflation rate is
(benefit payments increase
with inflation), we can
predict fairly accurately how
many retirees, how many
workers and how much
money will flow through the
system at any given point
in the future. All those
predictions show that there
won’t be enough money from
workers to pay retirees in the
future. The only debate is
about what year the system
will actually crash.
In private affairs, the date
the system crashes is usually
the date someone goes to
jail. The market downturn
doomed Madoff’s ponzi
operation, and he saw the
proverbial writing on the
wall. He went to jail, but
thousands of other people
suffered worse fates: they
lost their retirement savings
with little hope of recouping
their losses.
The only difference between
Social Security and a
ponzi scheme is that Social
Security is legal and actually
sanctioned by Congress.
Unfortunately, unless the
system is changed, thousands
will suffer in the same way
Madoff’s victims suffered:
they will lose what they
thought was a substantial
part of their retirement
savings.
The reason most people
believe that their payments
into Social Security are part
of their retirement savings
is because that’s what they
have been lead to believe
by politicians. Every time
a politician refers to “your
social security benefit” he’s
reinforcing this false notion
that is at the heart of the
ponzi scheme.
So if today, the system is a
ponzi scheme, what was it
before? It was a massive lie.
To prove this, let’s rely on
some of the research work
of Walter Williams, who
dug up the old pamphlets
and reviewed the various
court cases. The 1936
pamphlet said “the United
States government will set
up a Social Security account
for you. The checks will
come to you as a right”.
Unfortunately, within a
year of that false promise,
the government argued the
opposite before the Supreme
Court and won. In the 1937
Helvering case decision, the
court held that “the proceeds
of both (employee and
employer) are to be paid into
the Treasury like internal
revenue taxes generally and
are not earmarked in any
way”. A later case – 1960’s
Flemming V. Nestor –
allowed the court to firmly
state that “to engraft upon
the Social Security system a
concept of accrued property
rights would deprive it of the
flexibility… it demands”.
A ponzi scheme, a lie, and
a massive fraud are all
legitimate descriptions of the
Social Security system. We
ought not get angry when a
candidate has the integrity to
point this out. He’s not being
naïve; he’s not trying to throw
granny off the train; he’s
not exaggerating for cheap
political gain. The candidate
who tells us that the system
is terminally sick, doesn’t
work, was always a lie and is
a ponzi scheme is telling us
the truth. Even the Social
Security Administration
is finally owning up to the
truth. Their website now
says that the benefits are not
a contractual right.
The simple truth is that not all
promises to all beneficiaries
can be honored. The next
presidential election will
decide who we entrust to fix
this system. It can be fixed,
but it can also be destroyed.
My vote is for someone from
the outside who is honest
enough to tell us that and
courageous enough to fix it.
About the author: Gregory J.
Welborn is a freelance writer
and has spoken to several civic
and religious organizations on
cultural and moral issues. He
lives in Arcadia with his wife
and 3 children and is active
in the community. He can
be reached at gregwelborn@
earthlink.net.
WHY THE MIDDLE CLASS FEARS
TAX INCREASES ON THE RICH
TINA Dupuy
Yesterday, I was idling behind
a seven-year-old Saturn
sedan with an anti-Obama
bumper sticker reading:
“Because everyone deserves
some of what you’ve worked
hard for.”
There’s a knee-jerk response to dismiss the
driver as being some dupe naively parroting
slogans not meaningful in his tax bracket. (You’d
never see that sticker on a Rolls-Royce.) It’s not
just the success of Republican “messaging” –
there’s more to it than that.
According to the CafePress page selling these
bumper stickers, the $5 decal was created on
December 4, 2008. For all you history geeks,
that was before the Obama presidency. This
sentiment even existed before the bank bailout. It
was also weeks before reputed capitalist, George
W. Bush, approved the $17.4 billion American
auto industry bailout. Specifically, for GM, the
parent company of Saturn.
“If we were to allow the free market to take its
course now, it would almost certainly lead to
disorderly bankruptcy and liquidation for the
automakers,” said Bush in the Roosevelt Room
on December 19, 2008.
After GM took government money – taxpayer
money – as an emergency loan to save their
company suffering from a disturbing combo of
willful blindness and ignorance of the market
– the first thing the automaker had to do
was downsize. They shut down factories and
dealerships, shedding jobs. They even eradicated
some brands. One of those was Saturn.
Now this driver can look forward to higher
prices for parts and repairs for a vehicle that’s
essentially worthless since it was discontinued.
The Bush bailout of GM was paid for by this
driver at least twice. So the trade-in value losses
for putting a sticker on that car? No longer an
issue.
Why does this anti-wealth distribution
sentiment resonate with him? Why doesn’t he
want banksters and CEOs to pay up?
“Because everyone deserves some of what you’ve
worked hard for.”
This message was written and uploaded before
the tea party, when the economy was still in free
fall. And even though “thinkers” like Samuel
R. Staley, a fellow at the Reason Institute, wrote
the unintentionally hilarious talking point now
being repeated by GOP lawmakers: “It appears
we are two years into a ‘lost decade,’” the fact of
the matter is the middle-class has already had a
lost decade – the ‘00s.
In the middle-class wages are flat. The three
million jobs Bush created in his eight years in
office were moot since the population grew by 22
million. Prices have gone up, salaries have not.
Home values have fallen, retirement plans are
gone, savings are drained. Not since the 1930s
has a generation been less prosperous than the
one before. In 2008, the economy for the middle-
class went from long-term stagnation to suddenly
much worse.
And this reasonably caused a fear reaction in
this Saturn driver. What is he concerned about?
Wealth distribution. Why?
It’s usually assumed that the reason Americans
specifically don’t want to see taxes raised on the
rich is because, in spite of driving a defunct GM
brand four-door, they think of themselves as the
“soon-to-be rich.” But a paper published in the
National Journal of Economic Research in July
suggests otherwise. They offer that it’s not hoping
to be on top that makes us not want the wealthier
to be taxed more – it’s the fear of being at the
bottom. It’s referred to as “last-place aversion.”
The Economist wrote, “In keeping with the
notion of ‘last-place aversion,’ the people who
were a spot away from the bottom were the most
likely to give the money to the person above them:
rewarding the ‘rich’ but ensuring that someone
remained poorer than themselves.”
So taxing the rich isn’t about the fantasy that
we’re going to someday be rich – it’s about the
very real visceral fear of being, well, the poorest.
If the government helps those below you, then
they’ll be at your level – that’s the unfairness
they’re afraid of.
Named one of the worst CEOs of 2008, GM
head Rick Wagoner received a $20 million dollar
retirement package, yet an owner of one of his
beaters has a bumper sticker decrying higher
taxes for him.
The driver isn’t fantasizing about being
Wagoner – he’s terrified of being driven even
lower in the middle-class. And the GOP has
successfully exploited that fear. Because
when people are afraid, they do all kinds
of irrational things…like vote Republican.
Tina Dupuy is an award-winning writer and the
managing editor of Crooks and Liars. Tina can be
reached at tinadupuy@yahoo.com.
This column has been edited by the author.
Representations of fact and opinions are solely
those of the author.
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